Later On

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Archive for November 25th, 2019

Anti-vaxxers have blood on their hands: Samoa measles epidemic worsens with 24 children now dead

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Associate Press reports from New Zealand:

Authorities said Monday that a measles epidemic sweeping through Samoa continues to worsen with the death toll rising to 25, all but one of them young children.

“We still have a big problem at hand,” Samoa’s Director General of Health Leausa Take Naseri said in a video statement.

He said more than 140 new cases of people contracting the virus had been recorded within the past day, bringing the total to about 2,200 cases since the outbreak began last month. He said there are about 20 critically ill children who remain in hospital intensive care units.

Samoa declared a state of emergency nine days ago, closing all its schools, banning children from public gatherings and mandating that everybody get vaccinated. Teams of people have been traveling the country administering thousands of vaccines.

The government also shut down a private clinic and is investigating how hundreds of vaccines were taken without authorization and then sold for a fee.

The median age of those who have died is 13 months, according to government figures. The deaths include 24 children under the age of 5, 11 of whom were infants under 12 months. The other person who died was in their 30s. . .

Continue reading.

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 3:28 pm

Why White Nationalists Are Turning on Trump Republicans

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Talia Lavin writes in GQ:

Last week, Charlie Kirk, 26-year-old spokesman for the deep-pocketed Republican youth group Turning Point USA, held an event called “Prove Me Wrong” at the University of Houston. Billed as a chance to watch Kirk “debate the merits of capitalism vs. Socialism” in his signature blustering style, it ended in chaos. A hostile throng materialized around the small table—adorned with a poster that said, “I’m pro-choice. You can pick your gun”—at which Kirk was sitting and chased him bodily from the area, shouting, “America first!”

It was the latest in a series of escalating disruptions of conservative events that amounted to a piecemeal showdown between the corporate wing of the Republican establishment and an insurgent faction of white nationalists, an outgrowth of the alt-right. The events underscored the perils engendered by the Trump-era Republican Party’s willingness to accede to the goals of white nationalism, even as it attempts to keep the ideology’s most strident proponents at a careful, corporate-friendly arm’s length.

The insurgent faction’s agenda had three major points: advocating for anti-Semitism; advancing the theory that white Americans are being “replaced” by immigrants, including legal ones; and asserting the necessity of explicit homophobia. It is led, tactically and spiritually, by a 21-year-old named Nicholas Fuentes, who was neither a particularly significant nor a particularly popular figure on the white nationalist right prior to the disruption campaign. He was a minor participant in the deadly Unite the Right rally at Charlottesville in 2017, dropped out of Boston University, and then launched a YouTube channel called “America First!” Although Fuentes is frequently described as a “Trump supporter,” the principal objection he and his faction have toward the Trump administration is its insufficient cruelty to nonwhites, and its perceived coziness with Jews. Fuentes’s strategy—sending minions to disrupt the Q&A sections of corporate-conservative events with overtly white nationalist questions—was effective, but did not require any significant cunning: Pointing out the hypocrisy of establishment conservatism in the age of Trump is a fantastically easy task, fruit hanging so low it brushes muck.

The evident success of Fuentes’s faction in humiliating and distressing mainstream conservative speakers engendered a slew of press coverage, which in turn emboldened the youthful white nationalists further. Last week, Donald Trump Jr. faced a humiliatingly abbreviated launch for his book, Triggered: How the Left Thrives on Hate and Wants to Silence Us, scampering off stage right a mere 20 minutes after his event began, as he was beset by demands for a Q&A—silenced by a MAGA-hatted crowd that thrives on hate. The neo-Nazi publication the Daily Stormer, which has aligned itself with Fuentes’s faction, revealed plans for the disruption campaign to continue throughout November and beset several events scheduled by the Young America’s Foundation.

The subsequent scramble by Republicans to repudiate white nationalism has been a tragicomedy in Tweet form. Benny Johnson, fired from BuzzFeed and the Independent Journal Review for plagiarism and currently serving as chief creative officer of TPUSA, laid out a long thread establishing Fuentes’s history of public bigotry, from overt racism to “Unabashedly Sexist” (sic) commentary. Johnson ended with a passionate plea to fellow conservatives to “disavow hatred, racism, identity politics and open antisemitism.” And Texas Republican representative Dan Crenshaw, who was heckled by Fuentes’s acolytes no fewer than three times, took to Twitter to clarify that “conservatives are 100% different” than these “vehement racists, anti-semites & ethnic-nationalists.”

Yet both Johnson and Crenshaw are avid supporters of Trump and his policies. Johnson spent the following day live-tweeting the House impeachment inquiry, manically defending a president who has predicated his entire rule on racism, and who is credibly accused of multiple rapes; Crenshaw has advocated ending visa lotteries and policies that make it easier for immigrants’ family members to immigrate, and has advocated repeatedly for Trump’s signature border wall, a concrete symbol of xenophobia.

Trump’s own statements and policies are the strongest argument that his vision aligns with that of white nationalists. One wonders how, precisely, someone like Charlie Kirk could have answered a question posed by Fuentes in his channel: “Why does the president prefer immigrants from Norway vs. Haiti?”

While the litany of Trump’s acts cozying up to and encouraging a once-fringe white nationalist element is long, it’s worth considering the architect of the immigration policies that establishment Republicans like Dan Crenshaw champion. An ongoing series of articles by the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Michael E. Hayden, drawing on some 900 e-mails sent by Trump’s senior policy adviser Stephen Miller to former Breitbart editor Katie McHugh, have laid out precisely the ideological affiliations of the administration’s immigration czar. From championing the Confederate flag to repeatedly linking to openly white nationalist sites like VDARE and American Renaissance, Miller stridently embraced the tenets of white supremacy; and like the Fuentes faction, he also advocated a complete cessation of legal immigration of any kind. “There should be no immigration for several years. Not just cut the number down from the current 1 million green cards per year. For assimilation purposes,” he wrote to McHugh.

Miller’s e-mails show a familiarity with—and advocacy of—the “great replacement” conspiracy theory, which posits a plot by elites to replace the white population of America and Europe with nonwhite immigrants. Miller stops short of embracing a crucial tenet of “great replacement” theory embraced by most of the white nationalist right: that this replacement is being orchestrated by Jews. (That precise theorem is what motivated the Pittsburgh synagogue shooter to murder eleven Jews almost exactly a year ago.) Perhaps this is because Miller is Jewish, a fact that the White House has belabored in its increasingly mendacious defenses of the staffer, going so far as to accuse the Southern Poverty Law Center of an anti-Semitic campaign.

But it is impossible to advocate for white nationalism, as Miller has throughout his career in politics, without simultaneously elevating anti-Semitism. For most white nationalists, anti-Semitism is a non-negotiable raison d’être for the movement, the unified field theory that ties a bigoted worldview together. In their minds, nonwhite people are too ignorant and barbaric to organize the kind of demographic coup the “great replacement” theory lays out; instead, they assert again and again, it has been orchestrated by cunning Jews, pulling the marionette strings of mass migration and advocating for interracial marriage. The sites, forums, and chats that advocate for an end to legal immigration—and that push the false theory that demographic change amounts to “white genocide”—are places that praise Hitler and traffic in the ugliest of anti-Semitic sentiments. This is why an administration awash in anti-immigrant sentiment, slashing rights for asylees and refugees, governed during the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, the deadliest pogrom in American history. It is not a coincidence. It never was.

None of the Republican figures so quick to disavow Fuentes did the same for Miller; indeed, there has been a profound, impenetrable closing of the ranks around him on the right. The chief difference at play is that . . .

Continue reading. There’s more.

The article concludes:

There are tens of thousands of children who have been separated from their families by Stephen Miller’s policies; there are dozens of dead, murdered in an El Paso Walmart and a Pittsburgh synagogue and a Charlottesville street and by inadequate medical care in migration facilities. Through these years, as ethnic minorities and Jews and feminists and trans people and gay people have sounded out the alarm bells, the mainstream GOP laughed. They turned a profit on “triggering the libs”; they called opposition to the tide of rising white nationalism “Trump Derangement Syndrome.” Only when the hound turned on them, its jaws red and insatiable, did they at last begin to cry out in alarm about the danger the rest of us have known for years.

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 3:23 pm

Separated by Design: Why Affordable Housing Is Built in Areas With High Crime, Few Jobs, and Struggling Schools

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Jacqueline Rabe Thomas, The Connecticut Mirror, reports in ProPublica:

HARTFORD, Conn. — The moon pulls 6-year-old Romeo Lugo to the window at night.

The autistic child loves to gaze up at it, howling like a werewolf as it rises like a luminous pearl over the horizon of city buildings and trees he sees from his second-floor apartment.

But on one particular evening four years ago, his mother, Aida, noticed something else as they stood at the window: a man getting out of a gray car in front of their building and walking toward the nearby barber shop, gun drawn.

She grabbed Romeo and ducked.

“Bam, bam, bam,” Aida Lugo recalls hearing seconds later. “I couldn’t move.”

After the incident, the single mother explored moving from Frog Hollow — one of the state’s poorest and toughest areas. She even visited nearby towns. But the only units in her price range were located no more than a few blocks from the gunshots and the drug dealers in her neighborhood, so she remains marooned there — in the same apartment.

That’s because state officials have chosen, year after year, to direct the bulk of public funding for affordable housing to Connecticut’s most impoverished communities.

Since the mid-1980s, almost $2.2 billion in low-income housing tax credits have been awarded to construct 27,000 affordable housing units in the state. Just 10% were built in prosperous towns, an investigation by The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica has found. About 80% were located in struggling communities, literally erecting pockets of poverty. The rest fall somewhere in between.

While many state leaders across the country direct those credits to poor areas, arguing that’s where the need is greatest, Connecticut stands out on the national stage. In a recent federal study of 21 states, it had the second highest concentration of affordable housing in high-poverty neighborhoods, behind only Mississippi.

Today, Lugo’s unit is one of more than 700 apartments funded through the tax-credit program within a six-block area of her home. The neighborhood is host to a homeless shelter, a juvenile jail, public housing and a profusion of unoccupied storefronts and apartments plastered with “for rent” signs. On several utility poles are devices that notify police when gunshots are fired. Surveillance cameras abound.

“You know, you don’t have any other option but to try and get used to it and the things around you,” Lugo said. “I just keep to myself with my kids, and we do what we have to do.”

Most of the funding to build affordable housing in the U.S. comes from the federal government, with states receiving a set amount of low-income housing tax credits, or LIHTC, each year based on their populations. State officials then decide how and where they are used.

Connecticut’s extreme concentration of affordable housing in poor areas owes largely to its selection process. The state requires developers to obtain local zoning approval before they even apply for a tax credit, a practice that has been flagged by federal regulators as potentially discriminatory. In May, The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica reported that many zoning boards in the state rely on their finely tuned regulations to keep housing segregation firmly in place. The news organizations found that more than three dozen towns have blocked construction of any privately developed duplexes and apartments within their borders for the last two decades.

Developers, in turn, look to cities, where local leaders are often more receptive to any development that could help replace blighted properties or vacant lots. In Connecticut, that has meant a deepening racial divide in a state that’s home to some of the most segregated neighborhoods in America. According to the Connecticut Economic Resource Center, at least half of the homes in Lugo’s neighborhood are reserved exclusively for the poor. Nearly all of the residents of the area are Hispanic, like Lugo, or black, U.S. Census Bureau data shows.

“We have an affordable housing crisis and a segregated housing crisis. The state has opted to only address the affordable housing crisis,” said Erin Boggs, executive director and civil rights attorney with Open Communities Alliance, a nonprofit that advocates for housing reforms.

Gov. Ned Lamont’s administration says it favors a balanced approach, encouraging affordable housing both in “high opportunity” communities with good schools and low crime rates, and in more impoverished neighborhoods. “Connecticut recognizes the value of increased opportunity and growth in all of our communities,” the governor’s office said in a statement.

The numbers, however, tell a different story.

The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica compared the location of LIHTC-funded units with so-called opportunity maps developed for the Connecticut Department of Housing by researchers at Ohio State University. Of the nearly $100 million in tax credits awarded by the state this spring, 88% of the new apartments will be in “low opportunity” areas. That means high crime, low homeownership rates, little access to working-class jobs and lackluster school performance.

Connecticut’s Democratic senators say they are troubled that so many of the tax credits are going to high-poverty areas. The tax credit program, they say, is long overdue for a reevaluation.

“It’s concerning, and I want to know why,” said Sen. Richard Blumenthal, in response to The Connecticut Mirror and ProPublica’s analysis. “I think we have to examine the reasons for it — whether they are economic or discriminatory — and determine whether there are remedies necessary and appropropriate.”

Sen. Chris Murphy added: “I think we should be spreading out low-income housing tax credit dollars to projects throughout the state. You’ve got to give people choice. Folks that have lower incomes or need rental support shouldn’t only have a handful of neighborhoods in Connecticut’s cities as their only housing options.”

Meanwhile, developers say they are just building what the state is most likely to fund. At the same time, they are conflicted about constructing housing reserved for the poor mainly in poor communities.

“To be honest, this system discriminates against poor people. You are forcing these people to live in communities that don’t have the level of resources needed to educate their kids,” said John McClutchy, founder of JHM Group, which is one of the largest recipients of tax credits in Connecticut. “We are looking to build housing that better reflects the community. … It shouldn’t just be warehousing poor people.”

Housing Segregation by Formula

Created by Congress as part of a massive tax overhaul during the Reagan administration, the low-income housing tax credit was designed to lift the poor amid surging home prices.

By many measures, it was a success. Since 1987, the tax credit has funded the construction and rehabilitation of more than 3 million apartments for the poor — 30% of the country’s affordable housing units. Conservatives and liberals alike lauded the program. But over time, housing advocates and civil rights groups say, officials in some states funneled a disproportionate amount of credits to poorer communities.

In 2008, a community group in Texas pressed that case against the state’s Housing Department, arguing in a lawsuit that the agency had violated the Fair Housing Act by concentrating low-income housing tax credits in the Dallas metro area. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed, ruling that there are limits to building subsidized housing in mostly impoverished neighborhoods because the practice has a “disparate impact” on minorities.

Questioning how and where credits are awarded “may prevent segregated housing patterns that might otherwise result from covert and illicit stereotyping,” wrote Justice Anthony Kennedy in the majority opinion in 2015.

Meanwhile, the IRS, which oversees the LIHTC program, cautioned states in the waning days of the Obama administration against requiring local approval for affordable housing projects. Giving what is essentially a “local veto” to municipal leaders, the agency found, is “perpetuating residential racial and economic segregation.”

Some states made sweeping changes. In Maryland, for instance,  . . .

Continue reading. There’s much more. The government again fails the public.

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 12:21 pm

At long last: Argentine court finds two Catholic priests guilty of sexually assaulting deaf children; first convictions in long-alleged abuse

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Anthony Faiola, Chico Harlan, and Stefano Pitrelli report in the Washington Post:

An Argentine court on Monday found two priests and a lay worker guilty of the sexual abuse and rape of 10 former students of a Catholic institute for the deaf, the first legal victory for a string of hearing-impaired victims stretching from Italy to the Andes whose denunciations against one of the clerics to church officials including Pope Francis went unheeded for years.

The landmark verdict related to the Provolo Institute for Deaf and Hearing Impaired Children in the western Argentine city of Luján de Cuyo is the latest stain on the church’s handling of sex abuse cases in Francis’s native Argentina. Argentine prosecutors last week requested an international arrest warrant for Catholic Bishop Gustavo Zanchetta — a longtime associate of the pope accused of sexually abusing two seminarians.

 A Washington Post investigation this year found years of inaction by the church in the case of at least one of the accused priests. The Vatican did not immediately respond to a request for comment Monday.

[‘The pope ignored them’: Alleged abuse of deaf children on two continents points to Vatican failings]

The three-judge panel in the northwestern Argentine province of Mendoza ruled against the three defendants in 25 instances of abuse between 2004 and 2016.

The Rev. Nicola Corradi, an 83-year-old Italian priest who appeared in a wheelchair, averted his gaze as the court sentenced him to 42 years in prison. Corradi’s name appeared on a list of alleged sexual predator priests denounced by deaf former students of a Provolo institute in Italy that was sent to Pope Francis in 2014. Francis was personally handed the letter a year later by one of the victims.

The Rev. Horacio Corbacho, a 59-year-old Argentine priest, darted his eyes as he was sentenced to 45 years. Armando Gómez, a gardener at the institute, was sentenced to 18.

None of the defendants spoke before the sentencing. Church officials and a lawyer for the defendants did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Parents and the deaf former students — described by prosecutors as the “perfect victims” in that many could not communicate well even with their parents — celebrated the court’s verdict. Victims wrapped arms around each other outside the courtroom, dancing in circle.

“You have no idea how important this is for us, and for the world,’ said Ariel Lizárraga, a 48-year old factory worker whose deaf daughter was abused at Provolo Institute in the 2000s. “The church has been trying to hide these abuses. But these priests raped and abused our children. Our deaf children! Today, the taboo against accusing priests stops here.”

The three men were arrested in 2016 after a raid of the school by Argentine authorities tipped by a female victim who had come forward with the aid of an interpreter. Within weeks, investigators had uncovered one of the worst cases in the global abuse scandals plaguing the Catholic Church. Church officials and local employees allegedly preyed on the most isolated and submissive children.

Witnesses testified that the deaf children were not allowed to learn sign language, and instead were given lessons to speak like the hearing — an approach that left many unable to communicate with their parents. Prosecutors said the children were fondled, raped, sometimes tied up and, in one instance, forced to wear a diaper to hide the bleeding.

Students were smacked if they used sign language. One of the few hand gestures used by the priests, victims say, was an index figure to lips — a demand for silence.

Corradi, spiritual director of the school, had a decades-long career, first in Italy and later in Argentina. In Italy, Corradi was accused of molesting deaf children at a Provolo institute in Verona. His name first appeared the sworn statements of 15 former students of that school who described being sodomized. The statements named 24 priests and other faculty members including Corradi.

[Argentine prosecutors seek abuse-related arrest of bishop who worked with Pope Francis]

In 2012, the diocese of Verona asked for forgiveness from the victims and sanctioned 24 of the accused, but Corradi was not among them. None of the Italian cases ever went to trial.

Corradi’s name appeared again in the 2014 letter to the Pope, and later handed to him, that reiterated the potential danger he posed in Argentina.

“We hope the prosecutors now will launch a criminal investigation of the archbishops and other Church leaders who knew or should have known that child abusers were running that school,” Anne Barrett Doyle, a co-founder of the cleric abuse database, said in a statement. “The Pope too must accept responsibility for the unimaginable suffering of these children. He ignored repeated warnings that Corradi was in Argentina.”

After the Provolo institute in Lujan de Cuyo was shut down by Argentine authorities, the Vatican sent two priests to investigate the charges there in 2017. Dante Simon, a judicial vicar, told the Associated Press that the “horrible” allegations are “more than plausible.” He said the pontiff expressed his sadness and told him that “he was very worried about this situation.”

In a report submitted to the Vatican that June, the AP reported, Simon requested the maximum canonical penalty for Corradi and Corbacho: That they be made to “resign directly by the Holy Father.” The report must be reviewed by the Vatican’s Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, the AP reported.

In Argentina, the church, including Francis, has been accused of moving too slow and keeping Corradi in contact with vulnerable children despite years of allegations against him.

[Why the Vatican continues to struggle with sex abuse scandals] . . .

Continue reading. There’s more. The Catholic church is a moral failure.

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 11:50 am

More thoughts on food in meals

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I got to thinking more about the way I approach food now that I am on  the whole-food plant-based diet set out in Part 2 of Dr. Michael Greger’s How Not to Die. (Details of the approach I worked out and the lessons learned can be found in this post.)

I’ve come to realize that my main dish/meal does not fit well into common designations. Dishes consisting of a variety of vegetables, chosen ad hoc, and without meat don’t have a comfortable category here. A stir-fry, perhaps, or a stew, but even with a stew the tendency is to ask “what kind?” as though stews fit in nameable categories: a beef stew, or a chicken stew, or a lamb stew — or Irish stew of Scotch broth (though that’s a soup, but the soup/stew distinction is sometimes unclear for a given thick semi-liquid mix of meat and vegetables).

My core meal, plant-based and thus without meat, cheese, or eggs, is not exactly a stew, though it tends to be moist enough to hold together. It’s something between a stew and a stir fry.

I have recently been calling it a “melange.” It does have a kind of conceptual structure in that it includes representatives from categories:

  1. Cooking oil — almost always extra virgin olive oil, but sometimes avocado oil or macadamia nut oil, occasionally toasted sesame oil added at the end for flavoring. In the old days I would occasionally use duck fat or bacon fat or chicken fat, but no longer.
  2. Allium — always garlic and also scallions or leeks or shallots or storage onion (most often red, but also yellow or white from time to time). Scallions and leeks are the most common.
  3. Beans — always beans — cooked dried beans or lentils, or my homemade tempeh or tofu (soft tofu or firm or extra firm or smoked or fried — packaged tofu comes in various formats). If I’m using tempeh or tofu, I always cook it in the melange.  Cooked beans or lentils I might include in the melange, or put a portion into a bowl topped with a serving of melange.
  4. Grains — always cooked intact whole grain: oat groats, hulled barley, whole rye, kamut (a favorite), spelt, farro, emmer, etc. — occasionally cooked quinoa or amaranth instead of a grain). I treat cooked grain the same way I treat cooked beans/lentils: sometimes I include it in the melange, sometimes put a portion a bowl and top with a serving of melange. I tend to take this approach more often with grain than beans.
  5. Vegetables — asparagus, diced summer squash or zucchini, diced raw winter squash (in finished dish, it’s often al dente), root vegetable(s) (diced raw beet, daikon, carrot, turnip), diced Japanese or Italian or Indian eggplant, celery, fennel bulb (and some fronds), broccoli, broccolini, bitter melon, green beans — basically, whatever vegetables look good and fresh when I shop. I often include asparagus: its fiber (like that of the alliums) is particularly beneficial. I almost always also include sliced cherry tomatoes and cut-up dried tomatoes (dry-pack not in oil) and a small can of no-salt-added tomato paste, a good source of potassium and umami and lycopene.
  6. Leafy greens — always some green: spinach or red chard or kale or bok choy (usually baby bok choy or baby Shanghai bok choy) or cabbage (red or green) or collards or tung ho or other green (turnip, mustard, beet, dandelion, red dandelion, but those are rarely seen up here — even collards or hard to find), also sometimes parsley cooked with the melange, sometimes cilantro added at the end. Sometimes I will shred red cabbage, put a portion in a bowl, and top that with a serving of melange.
  7. Mushrooms — always mushrooms (good source of pantothenic acid (B5)). I use oyster or crimini or domestic white, and I coarsely chop (rather than slice) them.
  8. Peppers — always jalapeños chopped with core and seeds, sometimes also chopped Thai red chiles or Serrano or habanero as well. Fairly often I also include chopped bell peppers (red, yellow, orange), sometimes other peppers (Anaheim, poblano, Hungarian, and/or banana peppers).
  9. Other — olives (pitted Kalamata olives that I chop, most often), sometimes soy sauce (occasionally with mirin) or Worcestershire sauce or tamari. I often use pepper sauce, homemade or relatively low sodium (e.g., Tabasco), but I tend to add that at the table. I might include 2-3 tablespoons horseradish (from the refrigerated section) in the melange, but more commonly I just add 1 tablespoon horseradish to a bowl of melange once a day. (Horseradish is a cruciferous vegetable and a I go for one serving of cruciferous vegetables a day, and a tablespoon of horseradish is a serving.) I abandoned capers because of their salt content.
  10. Herbs — always marjoram and dried mint, sometimes also thyme or sage or rosemary, or other herb.
  11. Spices — always minced fresh turmeric, added with the allium at the start; often minced fresh ginger as well; always a good amount of ground black pepper to go with turmeric (improves absorption); perhaps ground cloves; perhaps ground ancho or chimayo chiles; maybe curry powder; sometimes ground cumin
  12. Acid — quite often I use lemons — remove peel, blend, pour over melange after cooking and stir to blend. I might sometimes instead use a vinegar (balsmic, red wine, sherry, apple cider). Acid brightens the taste, and the blended lemon is quite healthful.

For breakfast, I will stir into my bowl of melange 1 tablespoon ground flaxseed, 1 tablespoon nutritional yeast flakes, 1 teaspoon amla powder, 1/2 teaspoon ground turmeric, 2 teaspoons ground black pepper.

The ingredients of a melange vary considerably, based on what looks good in the produce department, but the above list gives an idea of how I approach it and what I get. When it’s finished, he root vegetables are al dente, and often the broccoli or broccolini is as well. Celery and fennel retain some crunch. Eggplant is soft, the grain and dried tomatoes a little chewy. The result is that each bite carries multiple textures so that the mouthfeel is more interesting.

And it’s quite tasty, I find, with a good level of spiciness but not burning hot, and a fresh taste because of so much in the way of fresh produce.

The melange makes a lot, so I usually cook it in my Field Company No. 12 cast-iron skillet (cooking surface 11.5″ in diameter, walls 2.25″ high), but if I think the melange will have a fair amount of liquid (as when I use frozen chopped spinach, which comes in a 300g/10.6 oz block), I’ll use my 4-qt All-Clad stainless steel sauté pan because long simmering removes the seasoning on the cast iron skillet. If I think I’ll be sautéing the melange, I use the cast-iron because it does a better job; if I think I’ll simmering the melange, I use the stainless steel pan. For example, if I’m taking the melange in the direction of chili, when I will include canned tomatoes and tomatillos and simmer, I will definitely use the stainless steel pan.

The benefit is that once I cook a batch, I have multiple meals already prepared. And since the melange varies a fair amount from batch to batch, it doesn’t always taste the same.

And many variations are possible. This morning, for example, I diced some of the soybean tempeh I just made and sautéed that with some finely chopped red onion in a little olive oil in the Smithey No. 8 cast-iron skillet and put that in a bowl, topped with with about 1/4 cup kamut, added the breakfast stuff (flax seed, nutritional yeast flakes, amla powder, ground turmeric, black pepper), and topped that with melange from the fridge.

I don’t think my melange method fits the common meal descriptions/categories.

I should note that in addition to thee meals as described above, I also eat three pieces of fresh fruit each day and also a bowl of berries (mostly frozen mixed berries — blueberries, raspberries, and blackberries).

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 11:15 am

The wonderful Stealth, with Rooney Emilion and D.R. Harris Arlington

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This butterscotch Emilion is a terrific little brush, and it made the luxurious lather that D.R. Harris soaps produce in their Arlington fragrance: ” Arlington is a subtle blend of citrus and fern, created to be refreshing and stimulating, whilst not overwhelming. Notes of Lemon, Bergamot, Orange, Neroli, Rose and Musk.” Or, I would call it, “Citrus.”

I’m so happy that I was involved in traditional shaving when RazoRock/Italian Barber brought forth the Stealth, now sadly discontinued. Too bad, because it’s an absolutely marvelous razor. I even had a Stealth in stainless steel, which I at some point sold; this is one of the original machined-aluminum models, and it gives a superb shave. (I find I cannot comfortably use their current offering, the Wunderbar.)

Three passes easily (and comfortably) left my face perfectly smooth for the splash of lemon, bergamot, orange, neroli, rose, and musk. Great way to start the week.

Written by LeisureGuy

25 November 2019 at 8:37 am

Posted in Shaving

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